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- <text id=89TT0765>
- <title>
- Mar. 20, 1989: America Abroad
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
- Mar. 20, 1989 Solving The Mysteries Of Heredity
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 34
- America Abroad
- Real Weapons, High Hopes
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By Strobe Talbott
- </p>
- <p> The Vienna talkathon on conventional forces in Europe (CFE)
- may turn out to be something new in the history of arms
- control: a negotiation that could tangibly improve the daily
- lives of ordinary citizens, particularly in Eastern Europe.
- </p>
- <p> In that respect, CFE is different from its variously
- initialed cousins SALT, START and INF, which dealt with the
- arsenals of Armageddon: missiles and bombs that are too
- unconventional to use. The control of nuclear arms is part of
- the larger, thoroughly laudable, but often abstract exercise of
- fine-tuning the balance of terror so as to make it a bit more
- balanced and a bit less terrible. CFE, by contrast, deals with
- real weapons, things that actually hurt people: a tank that can
- crush bodies on a town square; high explosives not measured in
- kilotons but still able to destroy a building and everyone in
- it; and that most essential fighting machine, a young man in
- uniform afraid of dying and therefore ready to kill.
- </p>
- <p> NATO's objective has long been to reduce the number of
- tanks, guns and soldiers in the Warsaw Pact and thus diminish
- the threat of a Soviet-led armored blitzkrieg. Mikhail Gorbachev
- has rendered that nightmare less plausible with the stunning
- cutbacks and withdrawals that he announced at the United Nations
- last Dec. 7.
- </p>
- <p> Western defense experts have been busy plugging the numbers
- in Gorbachev's various initiatives into their computerized war
- games, along with plenty of worst-case assumptions about the
- readiness of NATO. As a result, the bottom line of many such
- calculations has changed: the most often cited "sneak-attack
- scenario," which might before have yielded a Soviet victory, now
- leads to stalemate or even defeat.
- </p>
- <p> Building on Gorbachev's unilateral cuts, the CFE talks
- could further lessen the likelihood that the Kremlin's hordes
- will ever invade Western Europe. With that reassurance, American
- and allied statesmen can turn their attention to the much more
- immediate danger of political turmoil and military crisis inside
- Eastern Europe.
- </p>
- <p> The Warsaw Pact has the bizarre distinction of being the
- only alliance in history that has occupied or invaded not enemy
- territory but that of its own member states: East Germany '53,
- Hungary '56, Czechoslovakia '68. The imposition of martial law
- in Poland in 1981 was nothing less than a Soviet-backed military
- coup d'etat within the Communist Party.
- </p>
- <p> The Warsaw Pact is both the symbol and the instrument of
- Soviet domination over what used to be called the captive
- nations. Even if the forces of the pact were cut to one-third
- their current size, they could still "protect the gains of
- socialism" by "extending fraternal assistance" to a regime
- facing revolt or collapse.
- </p>
- <p> But just as the specter of an East-West conflict has
- receded, East-East police actions may also grow harder to
- justify, and someday perhaps harder to execute. Hungary, Poland,
- East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria have all followed
- Gorbachev's lead by announcing large cuts in defense spending.
- The gradual demilitarization of those societies could fuel
- economic reform by freeing resources for civilian industry.
- </p>
- <p> But most important, a decrease in the Soviet military
- presence -- whether in garrisons on the outskirts of East bloc
- capitals or over the horizon in the U.S.S.R. itself -- may
- induce those regimes to rely less on the threat of force and
- more on a genuine social compact between a government and its
- citizens.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
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